Friday, August 26, 2011

Pakistan: In Search of A Hazare

By Shahzad Chaudhry

August 23, 2011

I have often urged us, as a nation, to look beyond the distortions in our ideological foundations and carve a newer identity, more in line with the needs of the 21st century. Also, that it is okay for a nation to be seen evolving with time, maturing both its moorings as well as its promise. Ideological anchoring need not be based on religion alone. Each era must of essence have newer ideals and aspirations for a nation.
The world has moved on from deep ideological associations in the political or the economic sense and has gradually evolved towards a more pragmatic, global cosmopolitan culture. There is now a wider definition of an ‘international’ character in all things — political, economic, social, cuisine and even music. Every nation dons both an international and a national garb; that is how it remains entwined into a global culture. 
This is what makes each relevant to others. Combined ownership and shared stakes trigger complementary associations. Syria, Libya, Iran and North Korea have always existed beyond the global pale or on the fringes. As troubles ferment and become entrenched there, the world at large sits by seeing these entities unravel.
Pakistan must not see itself being categorised in such a league. Even sham associations with anachronistic ideological moorings are suspect in current times, and while America may seem to be an unyielding hegemon in this association, it will do us well to remember that nations such as China, India and Indonesia are happily becoming a part of the future world with newer anchoring of their own. Sovereignty has a newer meaning, which includes ensuring that no action of a nation endangers and pollutes this international society of nations. Along with association comes responsibility.

India is experiencing the pangs of such redefinition and re-examination of its former ways. To become an eligible player for the super-league, it must change itself. Anna Hazare leads such an internal effort to mend India’s ways. Establishments by design are status-quo and resistant to change. A political system, too, is dogmatic when it is established and acquires inertial attributes unyielding to any minor prods. This is where the Anna Hazares of the world and their mass movements become handy. In India, the political system is being challenged. Not only that, corruption as a trend — enriching the rich and impoverishing further the poor — needs to be stemmed with punitive laws, pushing the politicians to rise above the self to politics of service and duty, rather than use democracy only for electoral ends and a means to power and pelf.

Back to our own world: there has been an unintended picking from the uneasy détente that emerged from the diplomatic stand-off between India and Pakistan following the Mumbai incident. Both incapable of another physical stand-off, let alone a war or a skirmish, resorted to simmer, sulk and silence in that order. Silence they say is the trigger for dreams. With both, the other being out of focus of divine providence and vanquished physical capacity, space lent itself to introspection. What we gain are two parallel efforts in both countries; each society acting its role as per its inherent capacities. In India, we have a 74-year-old, feeble man, à la Gandhian mould, leading a popular anti-corruption movement against a corrupt political and business culture and within that challenging an unyielding political system. While in Pakistan, we only cry out the advent of a transformational moment but remain mired in introspective idealism. Our targets vary; to some it is a moment of redemption from an inexorably deviant military, to others it is the opportunity of lifetime to shun modernity and re-embrace religious idealism. The political system in Pakistan, steeped in patronage and exploitation,  as much a reflection of the political tradition across the border. However, on the other hand it continues to remain eclipsed thanks to this societal divide and its diverse endeavour. India is likely to gain from this internal convulsion while a diffused effort in Pakistan is likely to go to waste, losing the historicity of an opportune moment without a mend of its structural decay. The question is, where lie dormant our Hazares?

For starters, Karachi beckons. Anyone?

The writer is a defence analyst and retired as air-vice marshal in the Pakistan Air Force.
Source: The Express Tribune

Thursday, August 25, 2011

Anna versus the Idea of India

From Hardnews


 “India is Anna, Anna is India.” This slogan, reeking of the memory of Indira-imposed Emergency — “India is Indira, Indira is India” — tells you how much of what is now on display is about democracy

By Badri Raina

Bliss is it in this dawn to be alive,
But to be old is to be doubting.
(With apology to William Wordsworth)

Maha Kumbh
These are heady days in India. An orgy is underway in many parts, as angels of virtue shriek holy imprecations, ostensibly, to exorcise the demon ‘Corruption’, a word that has a nice Biblical-postlapsarian ring to it. This inventively constituted Ravana of our times, embodied, we are told, chiefly in the conjoint body of the politicians of the day, especially of the ruling Congress party, is now faced with the equally inventively constituted Ram in the person of Anna Hazare. Suitably, this crusader, although he wears the pristine white, topped with a Gandhi cap, opposes the demon in hues which are increasingly more and more saffron as the hours go by (see ‘Is Anna’s Crusade Changing Colour?’HindustanTimes, August 19). No wonder that some electronic channels seem to have nothing better to do than to pour incandescent ablutions of fuel into the corruption-Kumbh, in the full knowledge of the politics they seek to advance.

The Anna Crusaders
Well-endowed citizens who think nothing of doing their bit of corruption day in and day out — in sale and purchase of properties, in tax-evading clevernesses, in getting their job done, whatever the job and whatever it takes (after all, the Shastras do say that you may employ any one of the principles of Saam, Daam, Danda, Beid —where Daam stands for inducement, aka, bribery), including by flaunting their ‘connections’ with ‘high-ups’, not to speak of corporates (those chief corruptors of national life who find no mention either in the government’s Lokpal Bill or in the alternate Anna draft, called the Jan Lokpal Bill) — dip their complicit hands in the Anna-Ganga, certain that all the spots will wash off.

Unlike in Semitic faiths, Hinduism provides Uppai (remedial ways out of any sort of ill-fortune or sin committed, depending crucially on the price paid to the Purohit, except of course in the case of Brahm Hatya, namely the murder of a Brahmin). So, if only Lady Macbeth had been a Hindu, her “damned spot” may not have been as intransigent. Unto each our fate.

Anna’s faithfuls thus wish the powers-that-be to bring back illicit wealth from foreign tax havens back to India, but have not yet asked any serious questions about the unaccounted monies within the country that constitute a parallel economy to the official one, of equal proportions or more. Not to speak of the obscene volumes of wealth stashed away in temples across the length and breadth of the land. These are not exactly suicidal revolutionaries, after all.

Indeed, these are people, as far as the eye can see and experience tell, who see no corruption in the facts that nearly 40 per cent of the world’s poor are Indians, that a half of India’s children are severely malnourished and a half of India’s lactating mothers severely anaemic, that close to two-thirds of all Indians have no access to clean drinking water or modern sanitation, that rates of female infanticide soar in India’s prosperous states even as the GDP climbs upward, but mostly into the coffers of a miniscule club of billionaires, some 69 or so, who own a quarter of India’s total GDP, that communal carnages are routinely vented upon religious minorities, that young lives are routinely taken to protect family “honour”, that lakhs of farmers are driven to self-slaughter because of neoliberal farm policies, that atrocities on low castes happen dime-a-dozen, while the corporate TV channels sing hosannas to the “India Growth Story”, worried only that “corruption” wrought by “politicians” may dent that story and bring back those sad days of leveling boredom (and what would the flourishing diaspora and the western world, however it may be crashing in debt, dust, and war-mongering thereof, think then of India?).

Just let the good Anna declare a fast unto death on any of the above issues and he might find that not a soul of the kind that now deify him — much like the hero in the film,Guide, where the distraught lover-guide is mistaken for a messiah and forced to undertake a fast unto death so the rains may come — walking in his step, all except me. For among the bulk who are now out in the streets are good old casteists, devoted communalists, committed worshippers of market fundamentalism, traditional upholders of patriarchy, and unflinching detractors of social welfare policies that oblige the “appeasing” state to squander “honest” money on India’s have-nots who, after all, are destitute because of their own laziness and karma of previous births, don’t you know.

There are, of course, those as well whose lives are too disempowered to play games, and who see in Anna an avatar come to deliver them of their misery. We wish these honest folks well in every walk of life.

The Anna Agenda
Remembering how the good old Gandhi undertook some of his most strenuous upliftment crusades precisely in relation to matters of caste and communal oppression, would it be too awry to expect that Anna might do the same? But, do pardon me, Anna ain’t no Gandhi. Do recall how he lauded Modi of Gujarat 2002 vintage during the course of his first fast at Jantar Mantar (see my ‘Anna Lauds Modi’, Znet). So, do not expect that he might expend the same sort of energy on seeing an effective bill to bring sectarian murderers to book as he seems to want to do in the instant case. Especially when you remember that just as a Lokpal Bill awaits Parliament’s endorsement as I write, so does another bill designed to curb sectarian mayhems wrought on various types of minorities by majoritarian pogroms. Or, for that matter, the other jinxed bill seeking 33 per cent reservation for women in the Houses of Parliament and state legislatures. Anna’s thoughts do not thither tend. Nor indeed of those who target ‘corruption’.

Recalling Gandhi’s Champaran Satyagraha on behalf of the then workers on Indigo plantations, how nice it would be to see this Gandhian Anna strike a blow on behalf of the millions of unorganized workers and street vendors who are today the hopeless and helpless victims of neoliberalism. There again, you have another thing coming.

The wonderful thing about “corruption” and “terrorism” is that these buzz words unite everybody, including the corrupt and the terrorist. Easy enough to lead such crusades where only the wicked government stands before you, waiting to be dislodged.

The Real Agenda?
Dislogded, did I say. Indeed, the point and purpose of the Anna crusade is, perhaps, neither corruption nor the anti-corruption bill. It is to get rid of a government that has another three interminable years to it, and, according to a recent countrywide poll conducted, indeed, by one of the corporate TV channels — no friend of the Congress party — the strong likelihood of being returned to power for a third wretched term in 2014. Unbearable thought for those forces who are dying to see India’s retail trade thrown open to foreign predators, India’s insurance companies substantially privatised, the provident fund monies of retiring and retired employees made accessible to the stock market for its “creative” purposes, arms purchases, including nuclear reactors, ordered in piles and bulk, not just from anywhere but the United States of America and its satellite, Israel, all cases of “terrorist” involvement against good saffron nationalists quashed, the likes of Modi saved for a date when he might be installed prime minister of a Subramaniam Swamy-like India etc.

And what could be more wretched than the fact that the above-mentioned poll showed three Congress leaders occupy the top three places as desired candidates for prime ministership, with the likes of Shri Advani — that never-say-enough-is-enough aspirant to the post — and Shri Modi polling a measly five and four per cent respectively! Galling in the extreme.

And, yes, let us say like it is: a statement did come from an official US spokesman, admonishing the Indian government to deal nicely with the Anna crusade. Hey, whatever Uncle Sam’s major domos might effervate from time to time about the Indo-US “strategic partnership”, the sad fact is that at a time when a collapsing US economy needs its Indian partner to “open up” to its goods, services and genetically modified seeds, the UPA government seems set on yet more monies to be wasted in social welfare programmes that only help the destitute Indian to survive, one day to another, but leave the US entrepreneur holding the sack of debt and likely default. Some “partnership” that.

Not that influential sections of the UPA government do not wish to do as Sam says. Boy, are both Manmohan Singh and Montek Singh Ahluwalia not dying to do so, egged on by the Sam Pitrodas, the Nandan Nilekanis, and the electronic corporates who salivate at the very thought of having them grace their studios. But there still are contrarian voices within the Congress that go the other way. No such problem with BJP if the Anna crusade could install it, as the JP crusade had done in the mid-1970s, if only for a short Indian summer. And incidentally, if both the JP crusade and the one led by VP Singh after that failed to eradicate either the crass, authoritarian character of the Indian State or corruption, the reasons obviously do not lie in lack of moral fibre and so on, but in the class character of the State — something no crusader wished to do anything about then, or wishes to do anything about now. Including the BJP-led NDA government that was in power in New Delhi between 1998 and 2004.

As to India’s Left parties, having lost West Bengal, they are loathe to give any quarter to the UPA government, even if it means supping briefly with the enemy of enemies. Sad in the extreme. But, as you would know, they always know best.

About Democracy 
The Anna crusade is, of course, the harbinger of hope of another kind. He and his lieutenants proclaim that the will of the “people” (O people, I wish I knew who you are at bottom) must prevail over the petty and ill-intentioned machinations of Parliament. To this effect a new theory of ‘referendums’ of which nothing exists in the Indian Constitution, is every day being floated, as well as the slogan that the crusade is now about a “second independence movement”.
Both those postulates must bring great comfort to others who have been seeking either “Azadi”, or precisely what Anna opines, a second liberation whereby the State is overthrown and reconstituted. The one difference being that whereas the Anna platform would wish to effect that reconstitution from the Right, the Maoists would want to do so from the Left. Others wish simply to secede from the Union of India altogether.

As to the idea that such crucial things as the content of an anti-corruption bill had best be settled through a referendum, what gorgeous possibilities lie in that thought. Indeed, here are a few issues on which sections of “civil society” other than those that comprise the Anna platform might want referendums held and imbroglios settled:
  • How about a referendum to settle the issue of whether a magnificent temple should not after all be built on the site of the Babri mosque, which was vandalised and demolished equally through another referendum of sorts?
  • To settle whether or not the Kashmir valley be allowed to go its way, and leave the Hindu-majority parts of the state to remain aligned withIndia?
  • Whether more people than less in Gujarat would wish that state to be declared an autonomous Hindu-Rashtra?
  • Whether the upper castes of Haryana, Western Uttar Pradesh etc, should not be allowed to carry on with their time-honoured custom of “honour” killings?
  • Whether the Shekhawats of Rajasthan may not reinstall the hallowed tradition of Sati?
  • Whether female infanticide, caste discrimination, majoritarian citizenship, should not be formalised as practices that Indians may think best for a proper nationhood?
  • Whether mining mafia or forest dwellers have first right to land, water, and forest products? Gosh, how those primitive adivasis would be voted out of home and hearth, precisely by the like of citizenry who now dance around Anna ji!
  • And so on and so on. . .
Altogether, as I said, heady times; and who knows whether India’s strenuous efforts to hang on to institutional democracy despite all odds has any more breathing time, notwithstanding the stark fact that the orgy that is now on would not have had much life had democracy not been the operative episteme of India’s political life, and of the, however reluctant, objectives of the State.

Sting in the Tail? 
During the course of these most heady days in defence of direct democracy, the Anna campaign has predictably drawn on memories of the Internal Emergency imposed on the nation by the late Indira Gandhi in 1975, albeit, lifted by her within a year when she called for fresh elections. A telling reminiscence of that year was the famous slogan uttered by the Congress leader Devkant Barua, “Indiais Indira, Indira isIndia.”How charming that our current crusaders against authoritarianism should have sloganeered just the other day, “Indiais Anna, Anna isIndia.” Which tells you how much of what is now on display is about democracy.

Another thing: I ask myself which of the two facts may, after all, be the most detrimental to Indian democracy in the long term: one, the brief preventive detention of Anna, or the insistence of the Anna camp that Parliament must do as the crusaders say. Or else.
Do chew on that, as you enjoy the spectacle.

Monday, August 22, 2011

I'd rather not be Anna

Arundhati Roy

From The Hindu
 



If what we're watching on TV is indeed a revolution, then it has to be one of the more embarrassing and unintelligible ones of recent times. For now, whatever questions you may have about the Jan Lokpal Bill, here are the answers you're likely to get: tick the box — (a) Vande Mataram (b) Bharat Mata ki Jai (c) India is Anna, Anna is India (d) Jai Hind.

For completely different reasons, and in completely different ways, you could say that the Maoists and the Jan Lokpal Bill have one thing in common — they both seek the overthrow of the Indian State. One working from the bottom up, by means of an armed struggle, waged by a largely adivasi army, made up of the poorest of the poor. The other, from the top down, by means of a bloodless Gandhian coup, led by a freshly minted saint, and an army of largely urban, and certainly better off people. (In this one, the Government collaborates by doing everything it possibly can to overthrow itself.)

In April 2011, a few days into Anna Hazare's first “fast unto death,” searching for some way of distracting attention from the massive corruption scams which had battered its credibility, the Government invited Team Anna, the brand name chosen by this “civil society” group, to be part of a joint drafting committee for a new anti-corruption law. A few months down the line it abandoned that effort and tabled its own bill in Parliament, a bill so flawed that it was impossible to take seriously.

Then, on August 16th, the morning of his second “fast unto death,” before he had begun his fast or committed any legal offence, Anna Hazare was arrested and jailed. The struggle for the implementation of the Jan Lokpal Bill now coalesced into a struggle for the right to protest, the struggle for democracy itself. Within hours of this ‘Second Freedom Struggle,' Anna was released. Cannily, he refused to leave prison, but remained in Tihar jail as an honoured guest, where he began a fast, demanding the right to fast in a public place. For three days, while crowds and television vans gathered outside, members of Team Anna whizzed in and out of the high security prison, carrying out his video messages, to be broadcast on national TV on all channels. (Which other person would be granted this luxury?) Meanwhile 250 employees of the Municipal Commission of Delhi, 15 trucks, and six earth movers worked around the clock to ready the slushy Ramlila grounds for the grand weekend spectacle. Now, waited upon hand and foot, watched over by chanting crowds and crane-mounted cameras, attended to by India's most expensive doctors, the third phase of Anna's fast to the death has begun. “From Kashmir to Kanyakumari, India is One,” the TV anchors tell us.

While his means may be Gandhian, Anna Hazare's demands are certainly not. Contrary to Gandhiji's ideas about the decentralisation of power, the Jan Lokpal Bill is a draconian, anti-corruption law, in which a panel of carefully chosen people will administer a giant bureaucracy, with thousands of employees, with the power to police everybody from the Prime Minister, the judiciary, members of Parliament, and all of the bureaucracy, down to the lowest government official. The Lokpal will have the powers of investigation, surveillance, and prosecution. Except for the fact that it won't have its own prisons, it will function as an independent administration, meant to counter the bloated, unaccountable, corrupt one that we already have. Two oligarchies, instead of just one.

Whether it works or not depends on how we view corruption. Is corruption just a matter of legality, of financial irregularity and bribery, or is it the currency of a social transaction in an egregiously unequal society, in which power continues to be concentrated in the hands of a smaller and smaller minority? Imagine, for example, a city of shopping malls, on whose streets hawking has been banned. A hawker pays the local beat cop and the man from the municipality a small bribe to break the law and sell her wares to those who cannot afford the prices in the malls. Is that such a terrible thing? In future will she have to pay the Lokpal representative too? Does the solution to the problems faced by ordinary people lie in addressing the structural inequality, or in creating yet another power structure that people will have to defer to?

Meanwhile the props and the choreography, the aggressive nationalism and flag waving of Anna's Revolution are all borrowed, from the anti-reservation protests, the world-cup victory parade, and the celebration of the nuclear tests. They signal to us that if we do not support The Fast, we are not ‘true Indians.' The 24-hour channels have decided that there is no other news in the country worth reporting.

‘The Fast' of course doesn't mean Irom Sharmila's fast that has lasted for more than ten years (she's being force fed now) against the AFSPA, which allows soldiers in Manipur to kill merely on suspicion. It does not mean the relay hunger fast that is going on right now by ten thousand villagers in Koodankulam protesting against the nuclear power plant. ‘The People' does not mean the Manipuris who support Irom Sharmila's fast. Nor does it mean the thousands who are facing down armed policemen and mining mafias in Jagatsinghpur, or Kalinganagar, or Niyamgiri, or Bastar, or Jaitapur. Nor do we mean the victims of the Bhopal gas leak, or the people displaced by dams in the Narmada Valley. Nor do we mean the farmers in NOIDA, or Pune or Haryana or elsewhere in the country, resisting the takeover of the land.

‘The People' only means the audience that has gathered to watch the spectacle of a 74-year-old man threatening to starve himself to death if his Jan Lokpal Bill is not tabled and passed by Parliament. ‘The People' are the tens of thousands who have been miraculously multiplied into millions by our TV channels, like Christ multiplied the fishes and loaves to feed the hungry. “A billion voices have spoken,” we're told. “India is Anna.”

Who is he really, this new saint, this Voice of the People? Oddly enough we've heard him say nothing about things of urgent concern. Nothing about the farmer's suicides in his neighbourhood, or about Operation Green Hunt further away. Nothing about Singur, Nandigram, Lalgarh, nothing about Posco, about farmer's agitations or the blight of SEZs. He doesn't seem to have a view about the Government's plans to deploy the Indian Army in the forests of Central India.

He does however support Raj Thackeray's Marathi Manoos xenophobia and has praised the ‘development model' of Gujarat's Chief Minister who oversaw the 2002 pogrom against Muslims. (Anna withdrew that statement after a public outcry, but presumably not his admiration.)

Despite the din, sober journalists have gone about doing what journalists do. We now have the back-story about Anna's old relationship with the RSS. We have heard from Mukul Sharma who has studied Anna's village community in Ralegan Siddhi, where there have been no Gram Panchayat or Co-operative society elections in the last 25 years. We know about Anna's attitude to ‘harijans': “It was Mahatma Gandhi's vision that every village should have one chamar, one sunar, one kumhar and so on. They should all do their work according to their role and occupation, and in this way, a village will be self-dependant. This is what we are practicing in Ralegan Siddhi.” Is it surprising that members of Team Anna have also been associated with Youth for Equality, the anti-reservation (pro-“merit”) movement? The campaign is being handled by people who run a clutch of generously funded NGOs whose donors include Coca-Cola and the Lehman Brothers. Kabir, run by Arvind Kejriwal and Manish Sisodia, key figures in Team Anna, has received $400,000 from the Ford Foundation in the last three years. Among contributors to the India Against Corruption campaign there are Indian companies and foundations that own aluminum plants, build ports and SEZs, and run Real Estate businesses and are closely connected to politicians who run financial empires that run into thousands of crores of rupees. Some of them are currently being investigated for corruption and other crimes. Why are they all so enthusiastic?

Remember the campaign for the Jan Lokpal Bill gathered steam around the same time as embarrassing revelations by Wikileaks and a series of scams, including the 2G spectrum scam, broke, in which major corporations, senior journalists, and government ministers and politicians from the Congress as well as the BJP seem to have colluded in various ways as hundreds of thousands of crores of rupees were being siphoned off from the public exchequer. For the first time in years, journalist-lobbyists were disgraced and it seemed as if some major Captains of Corporate India could actually end up in prison. Perfect timing for a people's anti-corruption agitation. Or was it?

At a time when the State is withdrawing from its traditional duties and Corporations and NGOs are taking over government functions (water supply, electricity, transport, telecommunication, mining, health, education); at a time when the terrifying power and reach of the corporate owned media is trying to control the public imagination, one would think that these institutions — the corporations, the media, and NGOs — would be included in the jurisdiction of a Lokpal bill. Instead, the proposed bill leaves them out completely.

Now, by shouting louder than everyone else, by pushing a campaign that is hammering away at the theme of evil politicians and government corruption, they have very cleverly let themselves off the hook. Worse, by demonising only the Government they have built themselves a pulpit from which to call for the further withdrawal of the State from the public sphere and for a second round of reforms — more privatisation, more access to public infrastructure and India's natural resources. It may not be long before Corporate Corruption is made legal and renamed a Lobbying Fee.

Will the 830 million people living on Rs.20 a day really benefit from the strengthening of a set of policies that is impoverishing them and driving this country to civil war?

This awful crisis has been forged out of the utter failure of India's representative democracy, in which the legislatures are made up of criminals and millionaire politicians who have ceased to represent its people. In which not a single democratic institution is accessible to ordinary people. Do not be fooled by the flag waving. 

We're watching India being carved up in war for suzerainty that is as deadly as any battle being waged by the warlords of Afghanistan, only with much, much more at stake.

Sunday, August 21, 2011

Two vintage middle classics by Badri Raina


Hippopotamus

The new Indian middle class
is full of pelf and prayer;
it ogles at the fop in front,
and quarantines its rear.

The new Indian middle class
is full of potato chip;
it hogs away at restaurant,
but is careful with the tip.

The new Indian middle class
means business every way;
it will have the atom bomb,
whatever you may say.

The new Indian middle class
is cross at population;
it simply cannot undersatnd
why people live in the nation.

The new Indian middle class
is bored by argument;
argument so upsets
its vacuous content.

The new Indian middle class
connects with tradition;
it often needs to fly abroad
to propagate that fashion.

The new Indian middle class
is a hippopotamus;
it fattens on protected feed,
and yawns at politics.

Hippopotamus revisited

The new Indian middle class
is into Channel V,
where V stands for vertigo
and viscerality.

The new Indian middle class
drives to disco tune,
It sees nothing upon the road
except its good fortune.

The new Indian middle class
is full of stock and share;
it packs globalised machismo
in Philips underwear.

The new Indian middle class
is Pentium perfect;
Its E-Mail carries latest news
of when and where to eat.

The new Indian middle class
is glued to one-dayer;
it despises Parliament
but is buoyed by Tendulkar.

The new Indian middle class
marries in farm houses,
where poor relations never reach,
and whisky drowns all grouses.

The new Indian middle class
is too busy to  visit;
when parents lie in ICU
Archies Card does it.

The new Indian middle class
uses language like hammer,
it has no use for critical thought,
nuance, complexity, grammar.

The new Indian middle class
will surely take us far,
from hauteur, humbug, heartlessness
to bloody civil war.